The first half of this year 2023 witnessed serious shifts in terms of the level of attacks, abuses and violations that affected all aspects of the issue of detainees and prisoners, and this shift was mainly associated with the escalation of the Israeli aggression against the Palestinian people.
The prisoners’ institutions said that the current occupation system, with all its components, has intensified the level of crimes against the Palestinian people, most of which are classified as “war crimes.” This is part of the existing apartheid system, with the aim of undermining the ongoing struggle against the occupation.
She added: The arrests, and the accompanying crimes and violations, were part of the policies that reflected the level of these crimes, and the accompanying incitement against the prisoners in the Israeli occupation prisons, and the subsequent racist legislation and laws, which constituted the most prominent aspects of the current occupation system’s tools against the detainees. and captives.
The number of prisoners in the occupation prisons until the end of June 2023 is about (5000), including (32) female prisoners, about (160) children, and (1132) administrative detainees. According to the report of the prisoner institutions
Prisoners’ institutions monitored, through a special bulletin for the first half of the current year 2023, a reading of the total numbers, and a summary of some fixed and systematic policies, and some variables related to them, mainly taking an upward trend, as the total number of arrest cases reached (3866) arrest cases, and Jerusalem topped The highest percentage in terms of the number of detainees, where arrest cases amounted to about (1800), while the number of arrests among children out of the general total reached (568), which constitutes an increase from what was recorded in the same period last year, and women (72), and the number of orders reached Administrative detention (1608), and the highest rate of arrests was in the month of April, with (1001) arrest cases.
Detainees’ institutions (the Commission for Detainees and Ex-Detainees Affairs, the Palestinian Prisoners’ Club, Addameer Association for Prisoner Care and Human Rights, and the Wadi Hilweh Information Center – Jerusalem) confirmed that these numbers are close to the percentage of arrests that we witnessed in the first half of the past year 2022, except that the variable was not linked to any form. Basically, the nature of the numbers, but rather the level of crimes and violations that accompanied the arrests, specifically (summary executions, assassinations, and collective punishment), which left great effects on Palestinian society, while the most prominent variable in these numbers was related to the level of numbers of administrative detention orders, which reached this The year 2023, as we mentioned above, is (1608), while in the first half of the past year, there were (862) in the first half of the past year.
And the occupation regime continued, a number of fixed crimes, but some of them took a remarkably upward trend, and this escalation is an extension of the level of escalation that we have actually witnessed since the past year 2022, which is considered the bloodiest year in 20 years, and in fact this reading did not differ with the beginning of This year, the occupation continued its approach, while also continuing to develop tools to impose more control and oversight on the Palestinian society, and the resistance in general.
Arrests were concentrated in areas where struggle and resistance work escalated, and some governorates witnessed a significant shift in the number of detainees. We mainly mention here the Ariha governorate, specifically the Aqabat Jabr camp, in which the rate of arrests constituted a major variable, as the total number of arrests in the first half reached (201). This percentage has not been seen in Jericho governorate for many years, in addition to that, the arrests in Jenin and its camp, and Nablus and its camp, were associated simultaneously with the escalation of resistance in the two governorates, as the number of arrests in Jenin and its camp reached (291), with the emphasis that this percentage Only until the end of June, and in Nablus, it reached (215), noting that this percentage of arrests in these areas reflected an intense level of crimes and violations in addition to cases of arrest, but it is not the highest in terms of the percentage of arrests in the country, as two governorates remained Jerusalem and Hebron have the highest percentage of arrest cases.
The crime of (collective punishment) was the most prominent of these crimes, in which the occupation worked with all its might to escalate its use, specifically with regard to targeting the families of prisoners, detainees, martyrs, and persecutors.
In addition to the arrests that targeted their families collectively, the repeated storming of their homes continued, harassing them by all means, and amounting to field executions, in addition to the material losses left by the occupation forces in each raid they carried out, and the crime expanded to include entire villages, towns, and camps. , especially the towns close to the outposts, where the settlers’ crimes against the citizens were closely linked to the arrest operations in those towns, and the demolition of the prisoners’ homes was part of the crime (collective punishment), as four houses belonging to the prisoners (Younes Hailan, Islam Al-Faroukh, And Osama Al-Taweel, and Kamal Jouri), and in addition to that, this crime left severe and dangerous psychological effects on the families of prisoners and detainees, especially children.
The crime of shooting detainees before and during arrest: Since the past year 2022, and in the first half of this year, the institutions have followed up the crime of direct shooting at citizens before their arrest, in addition to arresting wounded people, including children, shortly after they were injured, and this case was one of the most prominent cases. The current situation, and left severe effects on the reality of prisoners and detainees in prisons, especially with their urgent need for health care and follow-up later, and among the most prominent of these wounded (Osama Al-Taweel, Kamal Jouri, and Fatima Shaheen), and the case of the former wounded Muhammad Al-Zughair, who suffers from deformities in his body as a result of He sustained an injury 20 years ago, and he needs urgent health care, yet the occupation continues to detain him.
The crime of administrative detention constituted the most prominent crime that the occupation continued to use, and it was the most prominent variable that was associated with the reality of arrest operations. Since 2003, we have not witnessed this continuous increase in the number of detainees in the occupation prisons, and as we mentioned above, the number of administrative detention orders reached (1608). , including (813) new orders, and (795) renewal orders for detainees of various periods, with the emphasis that 80% of the administrative detainees are former prisoners who spent years in the occupation prisons, most of them under administrative detention, with the need to point out that a new generation The occupation authorities began targeting him through this crime, and the number of administrators is (1132), including (3) female prisoners and (18) children.
She pointed out that the mock courts of the occupation in this case contributed in an unprecedented manner to the consolidation of this crime, and in light of this, about 60 detainees continue to boycott the courts as a cry in the face of this crime.
While the occupation courts, at their various levels, continued working to consolidate the crime of administrative detention, it was and still is one of the tools of imposing control and domination exercised by the occupying state against the Palestinian people and prisoners in the occupation prisons, specifically with regard to the issue of arbitrary administrative detention, which amounts to another war crime practiced by the occupying state. On the detainees, and throughout all those years, the military courts of the occupation were sham courts whose first and last goal was to establish the policy of administrative detention as a reality imposed on the detainees and to abuse them and their families as well.
Over the past decades, administrative detainees waged a wide struggle against the policy of administrative detention, which included a boycott of military courts, and on January 1, 2022, administrative detainees began a collective campaign against administrative detention. Administrative detainees, military courts from various parties and organizations. The campaign continued until September, before it stopped for three months to give the occupying power a deadline to consider the issue of administrative detention. During that period, about 80 detainees continued to boycott the military courts, 60 of whom are still boycotting Occupation military courts specialized in administrative detention of all levels.
The prisoners' institutions renewed their call to reassess the issue of dealing with the occupation's judicial system as a whole, and to renew the call for the need to intensify the boycott of the military courts of the occupation regarding the issue of administrative detention, under the slogan (Let's drop the legitimacy of the occupation by boycotting).
With the rise of the fascist and most extreme right-wing government in the occupation, the occupation system at all levels worked to enact racist laws and legislation affecting the fate of prisoners and their families, which were linked to threats against prisoners, their families, the liberated, as well as the martyrs and their families, the most prominent of which were:A draft (law of executing prisoners) who carried out resistance operations against the occupation, in addition to (a law to withdraw citizenship and residency from Jerusalemite prisoners and liberators) and from the occupied territories in 1948, and this was linked to the allocations provided by the Palestinian Authority to their families, in addition to a draft law to deport the families of prisoners and The martyrs, as it was approved by preliminary reading on a draft law that stipulates depriving prisoners of treatment that falls under the description of (improving the quality of life), and actually the fascist minister (Ben Gvir) issued internal instructions to deduct funds from the prisoners’ “cantina” allocations, in the event that the prisoner is used The dental clinic in the prison, and for every hour (175) shekels were deducted. In addition to this, an amendment to the (anti-terrorism) law was proposed, which stipulates that the bodies of the martyrs not be handed over, and a draft law (preventing the early release of the prisoner against whom a sentence was issued) on the grounds of resistance work. Which is classified by the occupation (as a terrorist act), and a draft law discusses the imprisonment of Palestinian children from the age of 12,Instead of sending them to (rehabilitation) institutions, and another draft law providing for broad powers to the Minister of Police to impose administrative detentions and restrict movement on Palestinians in the territories occupied in 1948, and a number of other bills affecting the lives and fate of the released prisoners, and their families specifically in Jerusalem and the occupied territories 1948.
The prisoners’ institutions confirmed that this series of laws, legislation, amendments, and bills is an extended path that gradually escalated, until the threats of the extreme right over the past years turned into a reality that represents this current transformation related to their accession to power.
The reality of the prisoners in the occupation prisons witnessed a number of dangerous transformations, and they are not separate from the historical context of the reality that they tried, and the prison administration is trying to impose on the prisoners, and rob them of their rights, and the achievements they achieved through a long and continuous struggle. From the extreme right-wing occupation government, until it reached restrictions on the amount of water used by the prisoners, as well as the quantity and quality of bread provided to the male and female prisoners, and this reflects the level reached by the extremist occupation government's measures.
In addition, a number of fixed and systematic policies remained in place, most notably the crime of medical negligence (slow killing). The continuing crime, specifically the martyrdom of the prisoner Sheikh Khader Adnan, who was premeditatedly assassinated by the occupation regime with all its components, after a hunger strike that he went through for 86 days. He was held in (Al-Jalama) detention center, and a number of retaliatory and retaliatory measures were taken against him. Throughout the period of his strike, the martyr Adnan faced levels of abuse from all the occupation agencies, which did not care about his health condition, and refused to transfer him to a civilian hospital, until he rose on the 2nd of October. May 2023, and the occupation authorities are still holding his body, which is among (11)A prisoner of the captive movement's martyrs, the occupation continues to detain their bodies.
She emphasized the role of the occupation courts in consolidating the crimes, noting that the courts played a clear role in liquidating the prisoner, Sheikh Khader Adnan, through their decisions that were issued during his detention, and did not care about the health condition he had before his martyrdom, so the case of the martyr Khader Adnan calls us We also stressed previously on the need to re-evaluate dealing with the judicial system of the occupation, as well as in light of all the data that the institutions receive through their legal teams.
The number of sick prisoners in the occupation prisons is more than 700, including 24 prisoners who suffer from cancer and tumors of various degrees, the most prominent of which is the case of the prisoner Walid Daqqa, who has been detained for 38 years, and who suffers from a rare cancer that affects the bone marrow known as (myelofibrosis), and as a result of a crime. Medical negligence, since March, Daqqa has suffered successive health setbacks, and today he is still being held in the (Ramla prison clinic), alongside the cancer-sick prisoner, Asif Al-Rifai, who has been detained since September 2022.
The institutions reviewed the case of the prisoner Walid Daqqa, one of the leaders of the captive movement, and one of the old prisoners who have been detained since before the signing of the Oslo agreement.
The prisoner, Walid Nimr Daqqa (62 years), from the occupied territories in 1948, was supposed to be freed in March of this year, after serving the full term of his sentence, which is 37 years. However, the occupation court’s decision, issued in 2018, added two additional years, The issue of introducing phones to the prisoners, and over the past period, specifically from March, Daqqa exposed a serious deterioration in his health condition, passed through very dangerous health stations, and part of his right lung was removed, and he stayed for periods in the civilian hospitals of the occupation, and in light of what the prisoner faced not only Daqqa Currently, but over the course of nearly four decades of families, the level of crime committed against him, specifically at the health level, confirms that he was clearly targeted. He would be free among his family, so his family embarked on a legal path in order to free him before it was too late, and even in this path, and the resulting final decisionBy depriving him of his right to appear before the early release committee, he confirms that there is a decision to continue the crime and target him, and the decisions of these courts confirm that they only implement political orders from the right-wing fascist government, and his case today is also one of the issues that also pushes us to boycott the judicial system of the occupation .
In addition to this policy, the policy of solitary confinement, which has escalated significantly since 2021 until today, specifically after the heroic operation (Freedom Tunnel), and the number of prisoners facing solitary confinement today is about (35), including sick prisoners suffering from mental and chronic health diseases. Among them is the prisoner Ahmed Manasra, who the occupation continues to detain and isolate despite his serious health and psychological condition. We also mention here the oldest isolated prisoners in the occupation prisons, the prisoner Muhammad Khalil, who has been facing solitary confinement for more than 15 years.
In addition to the policies of systematic incursions into prisoner sections and abuse of them, since late last year and at the beginning of this year, many incursions into prisoner sections have been recorded in several prisons, and they have actually escalated compared to the months preceding November 2022, and reached their intensity at the end of November. January of this year, when the raids were accompanied by transfers and isolation of prisoners, and attacks of various levels.
The occupation authorities also continued to put obstacles in the way of visits to the families of prisoners, depriving thousands of their family members, or depriving prisoners (as a punishment) imposed on them, or because of their partisan affiliation, as is the case with dozens of prisoners from Gaza, where the prison administration deliberately turns any right into a tool to impose more measures. Abuse of the prisoners, and it never stopped (developing) tools to obstruct the visits of the prisoners, and the abuse of the families of the prisoners.
In the first half of this year, the prisoners carried out a series of protest steps, which reached their intensity in the months of February and March, in rejection of the set of measures announced by the extremist minister (Ben Gvir) against the prisoners, and although the prisoners were able to preserve what is in place, the occupation system is trying to pass Gradually, many measures are taken, and the most prominent thing they are exposed to under this framework is the policy of (economic exploitation), which they are trying to pass through many daily procedures.
The number of prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment has risen to (558). Six prisoners have been sentenced to life imprisonment since the beginning of this year. Zaid Amer from Nablus.
The number of old prisoners has also reached (22) prisoners who have been detained since before the signing of the Oslo agreement on a continuous basis after the release of three of them after they have served all the terms of their sentences. 1985, in addition to that, there are (11) prisoners of those liberated in the (Wafaa al-Ahrar) deal who were re-arrested by the occupation, and they are among the old prisoners who were arrested since before (Oslo) and liberated in 2011 and re-arrested in 2014, most notably the prisoner Nael Al-Barghouti, who is serving the longest A period of detention in the history of the captive movement, where he spent about (43) years in the occupation prisons, of which he spent (34) years continuously.
The prisoners’ institutions called on the international human rights system, with all its components, to confront these dangerous transformations, which in their dimensions do not affect only the rights and fate of the Palestinian people, but also the human society as a whole, and that the confrontation be linked to a real and effective transformation to put pressure on the occupation in order to stop the escalating war crimes. So that this transformation leads to holding the occupation accountable and safeguarding Palestinian rights.
And the institutions called for a reassessment of dealing with the judiciary of the occupation, which was and still is an essential tool in consolidating crimes against detainees and prisoners. The follow-ups conducted by the institutions, and through reading hundreds of decisions of these courts, which confirm that they implement political decisions, specifically the issue of administrative detention, which is the most prominent witness to the sham of the occupation court. Our call is under the slogan (Let's drop the legitimacy of the occupation courts in the province).